KENYA IN 2030
This blog is meant to be an interactive forum where we attempt to sample the different routes to the ideal future for our nation. I dare you to wrestle reality, to dream aloud, to write a comment, share a suggestion, endorse an ingenious idea and maybe together, we can influence some outcomes.
Tuesday, 11 November 2014
Saturday, 25 October 2014
The Kenyan Agrarian Revolution
The Kenyan agrarian revolution
was a deliberate undertaking facilitated by the government of Kenya. It also
took spontaneous turns and a unique developmental direction that was applauded
by many a pundit. Kenya was not going to be the first country in Africa to grow
from a food deficient and insecure nation to an agricultural powerhouse, food
secure and an exporter. Many countries had done it before us, but no national
agricultural program could have been said to be as organic, both in its
implementation and coordination.
The Kenyan agrarian revolution
was kicked off by a nationwide registration of farmers and their farms. Farmer’s
registration included their personal details and contacts, farming experience
and access to government services. Whereas farm registration included the
acreage, farming history, soil characteristics, past production, access to
dams, irrigation and power supply. This allowed the government to understand
the farming community and plan proper intervention strategies. This was
followed by the digitization of this information for both government and public
sector consumption. The government used this information for more efficient
government services such as seed and fertilizer supply whereas the private
sector used the information to advice their investment in the agricultural
sector.
The registration and digitization
of agricultural data was followed and in some cases aligned to other nationwide
initiatives such as community driven dam and well construction programs. The
community would provide the land and the labor while the government would
provide the machinery to dig and construct these wells and dams. Water from
these dams and wells still needed to get to peoples farms, so the government
rolled out a rural water piping and irrigation program. This program allowed
for farmers to access untaxed cheap piping and irrigation materials,
developmental loans to farmers to pipe or irrigate their farms. In just over a
year, a new dam was being constructed every month, in every county in Kenya and
one well in every ward every day. Our water supply and irrigation network could
not be rivaled by any in the world.
In line to bringing government services
closer to the people, agricultural based one stop centers were also opened in
all major agricultural districts. A farmer did not need to register in one
place, buy subsidized seeds and fertilizer in another place and yet in a
different place have his soil sample tested. Now all government agricultural
based services and products could be accessed in one place. This included
information on best practices and training on the same. One could also apply
for loans from the agricultural finance corporation, for government sponsored
dams and wells, hire farm machinery etc. Later on these centers would act as
ready market for farm produce where government and private sector would compete
for farm produce.
The Kenyan agrarian revolution
could not have been a success if it was not for the mechanization of the agricultural
sector. This was from a deliberate move by both the government and the private
sector to invest in acquiring, hiring and leasing of farm equipments. It was
only when a farmer could hire say a tractor to till his 3 acre land just as
easily as large scale farmers could lease the same tractor that we knew we were
headed somewhere. This mechanization extended to value addition of farm produce
right at the farm by farmers, before using the available marketing and supply
chains to sell their processed produce.
The challenge of marketing farm
produce saw the introduction of new and innovative channels to reinforce
traditional ones. This was mainly driven by technology. Web and mobile
applications made it possible for a fast food restaurant in Nairobi order a
sack of potato directly from a farmer in Nyahururu. A farmer could sell his produce and shop for
farm inputs on the same platform. It’s no surprise that the government agenda
to interest and inspire youths to venture into farming was a success. The
planning, implementation and sustainability of the Kenyan agrarian revolution rested
on the innovation, energy and human capital of the Kenyan youths.
Friday, 10 October 2014
How Kenya Cheated Ebola
In the year 2014 there was an Ebola
epidemic that ravished some countries in West Africa. When the rest of Africa considered
their overstretched health infrastructure, they knew that it was going to get worse
before it gets any better. They prayed that the virus doesn’t reach their
country or hoped that it doesn’t, and if it does it infects others and not us. Within
months the health infrastructure of the affected countries had literally collapsed.
This was compounded by the characteristic lethargic response of the
international community to humanitarian emergencies in Africa. Now the Ebola virus had without a visa or
invitation found its way to Western Europe and North America. Seven months down
and Ebola had not reached Kenya, but its fear had. If left unchecked the fear
of Ebola would have been worse than Ebola itself. For from fear rumors spread, misinformation
abounds and lies become facts. Kenya cheated Ebola by hoping for the best,
preparing for the worst and elaborate protocols to face the threat of Ebola.
There was no expert in fighting Ebola
and everyone was vulnerable. From the poorest and conflict ridden countries in Africa
to the most developed western country. In Spain a plane load of passengers is
quarantined for fear that one of the passengers might be infected but fails a
nurse who was not supervised as she took her protective gear off. In North
America an Ebola patient is left unattended for hours in an emergency reception
area and several nurses are left to attend an Ebola infected person without
protective gear. Remember this is after the medical authorities in these countries
had sent memo after memo on Ebola to hospitals. How many memos have been sent
in Kenya to hospitals and neighborhood clinics on Ebola? When a patient from South
Sudan is suspected of being sick, her plane is not quarantined, she is not met
by an Ebola emergency unit complete with protective gear and worse still, the
other passengers on the plane cannot be traced. It is in the backdrop of this
that the ministry of health was compelled to not only act but be seen to act.
The Kenyan fight against Ebola
was led by the military! This is because of the discipline, precision and organizational
integrity that was required to effectively vanquish any Ebola threat.
Potential players in the fight against
Ebola were identified, from major hospitals to neighborhood clinics, from
doctors to nurses, the military to the police and National Youth Service, from ambulance
drivers to mortuary attendants, flight attendants to matatu touts, community health workers to Kenya Red Cross and international
agencies, mainstream media and social media alike. Individuals from all these
areas were carefully picked to form a coordinated technical team, bringing all
this stakeholders under one command in matters Ebola. This technical team
oversaw the creation of an emergency response procedure, logistics and supplies
systems, tracking of infection spread and all other containment protocols. It
was tasked with coming up with communication tools, facilitating a coordinated
information flow. This team also constituted an emergency response unit as
first responders, complete with their own ambulance, a designated and equipped
quarantine facility on stanby, a media briefing team and training manuals for
the different players. They also supervised the training, simulation and onsite
drills at airports, hospitals, malls etc.
Of course a Kenyan triumph over a
national challenge would not be complete without an ICT based solution and the fight
against Ebola was no different. The ministry of health sponsored a web and
mobile based application to spread reliable information from the top and gather
feedback from the public as well. The application also allowed for real-time
tracking of an Ebola spread and awareness of the same. For example availability
of the information from a patient of where they have been, people they had been
in contact with and a time log of activities as well. This info would be
uploaded for public consumption and the public would respond by logging their own
activities as well to see if it corresponds with a particular place like a mall
or matatu that the patient had been.
So the public were fully aware if they had been in the same place, at the same
time and date with an infected person and if so seek help early.
Ebola was not just a deadly
disease, it’s the deathly stigma associated with it, its attack on social
customs and traditions. Its annihilation of a countries health infrastructure, Ebola
was an economic catastrophe to countries and had just as crucial implication on
security. It was therefore important to wake up to reality and be ready for any
scenario. That anyone infected, whose not exhibiting any symptoms could just walk through a border
point, that they might first seek help from a chemist or a neighborhood dispensary
before going to a hospital, might call an ambulance or walk into an emergency
room while highly infectious, board a crowded matatu or boda boda. That
Ebola might be in Kenya for weeks before we even realize it’s here. That
fighting Ebola is just as much countering fears, rumors and misinformation with
the truth and facts. It’s about minimizing panic with foreknowledge and
readiness, potential chaos with calm, collected and confident approach.
Friday, 26 September 2014
National Cohesion and Intergration by 2030
The year is 2030 but I remember
it as if it were yesterday. The day that Kenya as a nation put its foot on the
neck of tribalism, the day we gave new meaning to the words cohesion and integration
in relation to tribalism and divisive politics. It was a day that saw a united
front in the fight against tribalism, a day that brought an inter-agency approach
to a wasting culture that had eaten at many a society especially in Africa. In
Kenya all one had to do was hint at a conspiracy, prick our insecurities or
tickle our illusions of grandiose over our neighbors. And we would fill our
homes with whispers of the besieged, talks of historic injustice and songs of
triumph over imaginary foes. But on this
day the mainstream media fraternity, national cession and integration
commission and the office of public prosecution spoke with one voice.
These three institutions after a
week of intensive consultation called a major press conference that shook the
nation in its conclusive agenda, the finality of its recommendation and the
ultimatum issued to Kenyans. It emerged during this week of consultation that
if our televisions, radio and newspapers are the godfathers of tribalism, then
social media can be said to be the godmother, our politicians the fathers, our
intolerant past the mothers and our Kenyan youths the children of tribalism. That
tribalism was neither genetic nor divisive politics hereditary. We are not born
with our prejudices but we are born into it. We are born into discord, we learn
to crawl in the filth of intolerance, we take our first steps supported by the structures
of our tribal cocoons. So it’s not a surprise that the first words we learn to utter
are panga instead of papa and murder instead of mama. The best we know of our neighbors
culture goes no further than the negative and unfounded stereotypical
accusations. Enslaved by ghostly masters of fear and hate. Though we are not
really sure why we ought to fear or hate each other any more, we carry on, we
slave away, under burdens we might as well put down.
Mainstream media was singled out
for its inherent property of mass communication and ability to shape attitudes.
In a world of tribalism, mainstream media can be said to be the bomb that kills
thousands and the best that social media can be in comparison is a machine gun
and this is when it is wielded by someone of influence in the social media
scene . Otherwise social media is nothing more than a pistol in a bomb fight.
Mainstream media can reach millions in a single information relay while a tweet
or facebook update is being consumed by a few thousand. A news item by
mainstream media has already been repeated through word of mouth by millions before
it has reached trending status on social media. Information through mainstream
media is also automatically believed as gospel truth across different divides while
information on social media is as believable as the clout behind the individual
sharing the message. Its only mainstream media that can run a hateful message
communicated to a few hundred people in a village baraza at one corner of the country and spread it to millions of
people across the entire country in a matter of minutes.
The blame game and hiding behind
shifting posts had to stop. We could blame politicians all we want but it’s the
media that amplified their mediocrity and clothed their selfish ambitions as
news items. We could form all the commission of cohesion and integration but
without responsible use of mediums of mass communication, we would be fighting
a losing battle. So in this press conference an ultimatum was issued. A seven
day ultimatum for all hostility to stop, yes we did not need a lifetime to tolerate
each other. These seven days would be enough to pass a law in parliament to give
national cohesion and integration commission power s of prosecution. This
period also allowed the NCIC time to rally support for the changes that they
planned to institute.
At the press conference
mainstream media announced that they would from now on actively sensor
intolerant, tribally insensitive and provocative words or speeches on the
airwaves. In one case they would do so just the same as they would sensor
sexually explicit words and in extreme cases they would sensor a whole speech
by a politician. In its stead they would issue a public statement saying that they
viewed the expression of the said politician provocative and therefore could
not air it. They would then broadcast that they have forwarded the provocative message
to NCIC for prosecution. So instead of a politician rogue expressions being aired,
their misbehavior would be highlighted and shamed instead.
In the same spirit of reigning
down on anti-cohesion and integration conduct, the judiciary made plans to constitute
special courts to handle cases related to cohesion and integration offenses. The
judiciary also made the necessary changes that would see video and audio
evidence admissible in court as well as screen shots from social media sites. They
would be enough to sustain a conviction without additional supporting evidence.
Other changes included the recruitment of active social media marshals under NCIC.
They were to monitor social media and form a proactive presence on the internet
where the public can reach them to report on any offenses occurring on social
media. The social media marshals in conjunction with the judiciary,
communication authority of Kenya (CAK) and police would be able to suspend within
24rs, phone lines, modems and other IP domains used to share and post tribally
abusive internet data , the suspension could last for as long as one year.
Suspensions would also extend to banning the name and ID number of those behind
such offenses from owning or registering any phone line, modem or online
communication line. Anyone found knowingly offering or hosting these offenders activities
on their lines would stand to receive the same banning.
The commission also developed and
publicized a cohesion and integration offenses matrix so that the public,
politicians, the media etc would know what was considered an offense. The
matrix drew a clear line between right and wrong and provided an undisputed reference
when judging offenses. It is in reference to this matrix and the seven days
ultimatum that saw the president himself lead the nation in committing to abide
under this matrix and signing it on behalf of the Kenyan public as well. The signing
by the president to abide by the cohesion and integration offenses matrix laid the
precedence for all political leaders to do just the same. The president was
followed by another publicized signing ceremony of the deputy president
accompanied by the official leader of the opposition. The so called political enmity
between these two in the public arena made this signing ceremony quite
exceptional and symbolic in burying the proverbial hatchet. These leading
political leaders were followed by governors, senators, members of parliament
and members of the county assemblies. The signatures opened up the politicians
for prosecution if they contravened the cohesion and integration offenses matrix.
The media, judiciary and the police signed as well and committed themselves to
play their part in documenting evidence, arrest of offenders irrespective of their
station and prosecution of offenders.
Monday, 15 September 2014
End of Kleptocracy in Kenya
The year is 2030 and a crowd of
about a thousand is gathered outside parliament. The crowd had grown leaner by
the years as the country matured out of corruption and the memory of the
country’s financial promiscuity waned away. Fifteen years ago about a million
Kenyans made a human shield around the parliament building for three days straight.
Day and night these Kenyan change makers braved the tropical sun and chilling
nights for something they believed in. Once a spineless country in matters
corruption, we could no longer allow ourselves to tie the lambs of our public
coffers in the pens of our public offices with hyenas in coats of public
servants. They wanted change that could only start with a legislative amendment
to a deficient law. So parliament played host to a determined mass of humanity
that would not bend their morals to accommodate the fears of accountability of
a few.
The proverbial reference to
corruption as a cancer was an understatement in Kenya. Corruption was allowed
to devour our nation with impunity and absent of humane reasoning. So much so
that it was obvious to everyone and an accepted practice that each successive
regime had their rightful time to bleed the public coffers. Unlike natural rats
that nimble on someone while blowing on the wound, these were wild human sized
monstrous rats both in size and insatiable appetite for material wealth. Even though
our newly elected leaders at the time could be said to be above board in officially
sanctioned corruption. The same could not be said about the minions they
inherited from previous regimes. Deep rooted institutionalized corruption networks
that meandered alongside public revenue streams. Vultures with low hanging pot
bellies who hanged around the corridors of powers with no official duties but
with wings of influence wide enough to intimidate even the boldest of public
officials.
A time had come that the price of
corruption threatened a well planned and visible prosperous future. The prospect
of losing the long awaited walk into the first world by any individual or a
wayward culture was unacceptable. The country to a man wanted to slay the dragon
that was institutional corruption once and for all. It’s not like we as a nation
did not know exactly what needed to be done even to the last detail. It was for
lack of a better assessment, some sort of an ingrown disposition as a nation
not to act definitively to end corruption. An indifferent reaction to
widespread corruption, a perpetual state of postponement of known remedial
measures, almost as if we were scared of a corruption free nation. Our inertia mostly
fueled by our seemingly inseparable marriage to the only lifestyle we knew, so
blinded by our misplaced loyalty to our corrupt tribesmen.
Like explosive materials lying in
the open, so were the pent up aspirations of the majority of Kenyans. Just
waiting for a spark, a catalyst of inspiration to our combustible state of the
nation, to explode with purposeful action. Very few Kenyans witnessed the live
moment the spark went off, but everyone witnessed the explosion, many took part
in the explosion, whose embers were first witnessed on social media. When a targeted
campaign was launched on social media to rise and occupy parliament, with
written memoranda of exactly the demands the country clamored for in this fight
against corruption. It was hard to draw the line between the spontaneity of the
million man gathering outside parliament and a well choreographed social media
activism exercise. All this made complete by a wise legislature who quickly
wrote up a bill encompassing the whole memoranda of demands by the Kenyans picketing
outside parliament. Parliament was caught un-aware and was forced to play the
public tune and forced to make the legislative changes.
First in our demands was the
total restructuring of the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC). From a
traffic cop bursting institution to a president, cabinet secretary, governors
bursting institutions. This involved reinforcing EACC powers to investigate, giving
EACC the long demanded powers to prosecute and new demanded powers to freeze
and appropriate funds and assets of convicted corrupt individuals as well as
special corruption courts to expedite corruption cases. Further changes to EACC
were in its administration structure which called for the abolishment of the EACC
boss position. This was an overrated public office that was more of a coveted
highly entitled office than a functioning deterrent to corruption. This
corruption boss office was to be abolished and replaced with a committee. The 2
million plus remuneration for the EACC boss was sub-divided among the committee
members. As this was one of the many offices like the judicial service commission
that was meant to attract selfless public servants and not those after material
gains from public coffers. The committee was so structured as to have varying
tenures for different members, that it was a nightmare for the corrupt to have
that office in their pockets. This office was made up of the civil society, religious
leaders, media personalities and private accounting firms. This made it
impossible for a coordinated subversion of justice practices by members of the
committee amongst themselves.
Extended reforms demanded by
Kenyans when they occupied parliament was an integrated digitization of the financial
sector. This digital financial system modeled like the financial tracking system
of the American IRS documented and tracked every Kenyan financial transaction. From
Mpesa accounts to Kenyan and overseas bank accounts, the idea was to make it
impossible to move money around or accumulate unexplained monies in your name. This
was more elaborate for public servants, their families and during
investigations their acquaintances and business partners. Any sudden spike in
income of a public servant would trigger alarms in a dozen or so government agencies.
This allowed for stringent financial tracking that left corrupt individual with
no other option but to stack up hard cash in their homes or warehouses because
their was no way to move such money without attracting attention. This came in handy
during the prosecution of corrupt cases and seizure of assets and funds from
corrupt dealings.
This radicalization of the fight
against corruption was also taken to schools and classrooms. There was a push
for the introduction of a subject in school with a comprehensive coverage on
corruption and ethics. Not in the normal and polite academic lingo found in the
academic world but rather an intense psychological conditioning of our children
to loathe corruption. Corruption and unethical leadership was painted in such a
way to our children that it was guaranteed they would grow to abhor such
practices as much as murder or rape. Just as corruption had ingrained itself in
the fabric of our society, the only hope of reversing such a pervasive culture
was to hot wire it into our children psyche. The same way environmental
conservation tendencies such as a littering and separation of domestic waste
were imbued on a whole generation in the western society.
Other sectors to tow the line in
the anti corruption drive was the media. In realization of their role as the mirror
to a society and instrumental powers to influence the masses. The media fired
up the anti corruption crusade in earnest. From live coverage of anti corruption
cases, to in-depth investigative journalism, the media went as far as flashing
the faces of the corrupt all over the news. Together with their personal
details and history like schools they went to, previous jobs, just simply creating
pariahs out of them and a leprosy-like historical alienation of the corrupt
from society. Such was the heavy reinforcement of antipathy to corruption that
a renaissance of moral values and virtues took over our society.
And that is how the war on
corruption was won, through the powers to prosecute, the abolishing of the anti
corruption czar post, digital integrated financial systems and tracking,
education and coordinated mass media campaigns. And yes, not to mention the
total eradication of sitting and attendance allowances for public officials in
official duties and replaced with contentment with their salaries. No one should
have special rewards for doing the work they were appointed to do. They were
not doing the public any favors, it’s their job.
Monday, 1 September 2014
Malibongo Education System: An Intensive Specialized Education Program
The year is 2030 and the country
is gathered in different counties to witness the graduation ceremony of the
first batch of students to go through the Malibongo education system. The Malibongo
education system as the name suggest (which is a loose translation of wealth in
brains or mental wealth) was a radical approach in the Kenyan education system.
The system suggested not only a shift from the mainstream education program
used in the country but against even systems available globally. Its critics
and supporters were therefore drawn from within the country and
internationally. However the fearless audacity of its pioneers triumphed
against even international education partners who had threatened to ostracize
the country for its independent school of thought in education provision.
The Malibongo education program
was based on the agreement that the education system at the time offered little
in terms of specialized training in the initial twelve years of education.
Students at the age of 18, at the end of their first twelve years of education
were experts in nothing but how to read and write. Considering the great
disparities in education facilities and socio-economic background, even after these
twelve years more than half of our children reading and writing skills were
barely average. The existing education system guaranteed that more than three
quarters of the product of our twelve year education system were noting but human
data storage carriers. There was little room for free thought or sound
interpretation of the data they had crammed in their twelve years of education
in relation to current and emerging societal challenges. Creativity and
innovation was of no particular importance in their long and tedious hiatus in
our education institutions.
This scenario was more vivid when
you in-calculated that as a nation, as we grappled with our desire to be a food
sufficient and agricultural produce exporter, we had only a handful of agricultural
experts coming out of our universities and no agricultural expert to speak of at
the age of eighteen, all this in the face our poor turn over from secondary to
university. This meant that the majority
of children going through our education system were wasted when they could have
been used to address our challenges as a country. Another grim example of our
failure to plan and ready ourselves for our dreams as a nation was our meager
investment in education in technology. While we were busy planning to build technology
based cities like Konza we had put little thought in advancing the ICT
knowledge base of our children and future work force. So in reality more than half
of those that had undergone the twelve years of our education system had never
touched a computer. The best we had come to some level of visionary management
of our ICT dream was the initiative to offer laptops to our children, however this
fell short of a comprehensive program of intensive specialized training in
ICT.
Social and economic disparities
in our Kenyan populace also ensured that our education system produced a
loop-sided education spectrum over the socio-economic composition of our
populace. Whether intentionally or unintentionally the education system ensured
that the rich got the best of eight years of primary education, which allowed them
to access the majority of positions in national secondary schools which had the
best facilities and in the end these children of the rich filled positions in
our public universities. From infancy the poor in our society were destined for
mediocre education in public primary schools, ill equipped secondary schools
and negligible transition into universities. This situation was even more disadvantageous
when you considered children from marginalized communities and genders. Who
sadly apart from inadequate opportunities to access education, they had to face
an uphill struggle emanating from inherent incapacitation due to their poverty
stricken geographical location or gender bias.
These were just some of the compelling
challenges that informed the pioneers of the Malibongo education system. This
program hoped to nurture a select number of children in intensive specialized
training in three areas, namely agriculture, ICT and financial management.
These ambitious 9 year program hoped to produce experts in these three fields
able to take up junior management level positions at the innocent age of 21
years old. It would combine some aspect of mainstream education but break away
from it early enough to offer substantial amount of time dedicated to an
intensive pursuit of either of these three subjects. What’s more, all these
would be done by a single all-encompassing institution. Providing seamless
education in one institution from when a pupil is 12 years old to when they are
21 years old.
The Malibongo education program
was started by the building of theses special schools by counties that could
afford to do so. These schools offering 9 years of seamless education were
found in counties that hoped to take up any of the three special subjects i.e.
agriculture, ICT or financial management as the bedrock of their county
economic foundation. So counties that hoped to be ICT hubs like San Francisco,
agriculturally adaptive innovators like the state of Israel or financial
capitals like London had an opportunity to strategically churn out experts in
these three fields. It started with harvesting of the brightest children at the
age of 12 years from poor and marginalized communities. This meant that
children in standard 6 from schools found in urban poor areas, rural and remote
regions of the country sat for a special examination to determine the brightest
children who would be eligible for this program. Those who were successful
would be enrolled in Malibongo schools that offered fully sponsored and totally
free education in highly equipped boarding institutions.
The first two years of the Malibongo
education program would see the children take up an additional three subjects modeled
around agriculture, ICT and financial management. They would at the end of these
two years sit for the mainstream end of primary education examination (KCPE) in
addition to being examined in the three special subjects. This allowed for those
after 2 years would wish for one reason or another want to revert back to
mainstream education system and join regular secondary schools. So children in Malibongo
schools studied and got examined after 2 years in 8 subjects as opposed to 5
subjects found in regular primary school. From this examination after two years,
the students were then divided depending on the subject they had performed best
in from the three special subjects. So that in their next three years in the Malibongo
education program they would be required to study only one special subject that
they had performed best in addition to the mainstream secondary education
subjects. They would have an expedited secondary education whereby it would
take them 3 years instead of 4 years in secondary school. This group would also
be eligible to sit for end of secondary schooling national examination (KCSE) together
with sub topics of the one special subject they had specialized in for the three
years. This also allowed those who wanted to revert back to regular schooling
at this stage to do so.
Now the last 4 years of their
education would be intensive specialized educational training in the one
special subject, be it in agriculture, ICT or financial management. Using the
same sub-topics model they had used in their last three years, they would
continue in this manner while majoring in the sub-topic they were best in. These
four years which would be equivalent to an under graduate course would see them
graduate from Malibongo education system as experts in their said fields. Graduates
from this program were fully equipped to be absorbed by national/county civil
service, the private sector as well as self employed entrepreneurs in their
field of specialization. Where need be they would continue with their education
by enrolling for masters courses in regular universities. The Malibongo
education system allowed for counties to produce experts at a fairly young age
in areas that they hoped to advance their counties in. The Malibongo education
system also addressed the unequal transition from primary schools, to secondary
and to university based on socio-economic backgrounds of students as well as
addressed counties unique human resource needs. Other outstanding qualities of
the Malibongo education system was emphasis on using teaching models that
nurtured free thought, innovation, self discovery, self reliance and self
starters as its core principals and functioning inspirations.
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